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Cross-border food remittances and mobile transfers:
e experiences of Zimbabwean migrants in
Cape Town, South Africa.
Remesas de alimentos transfronterizas y transferencias móviles:
Las experiencias de los emigrantes zimbabuenses en
Ciudad del Cabo, Sudáfrica.
Sean Sithole
1
, Daniel Tevera
2
and Mulugeta F. Dinbabo
3
Recibido: 23/09/2022 - Aceptado: 17/11/2022
Publicado: 27/12/2022
Abstract
Mobile transfers have become a dening feature of cross-border remittance transmission in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). However,
recent studies on mobile transfers have mainly focused on cash remittances and need to pay more attention to mobile food
transfers. is paper addresses this research gap on mobile food transfers by examining cross-border food remittances and mo-
bile transfers by Zimbabwean migrants residing in Cape Town, South Africa, to their families and friends back home. In this
paper, we seek to understand the factors inuencing the uptake of digital food remittances by Zimbabwean migrants who have
lived in South Africa for at least three years. e paper is based on a mixed research study carried out in Cape Town during the
nationwide COVID-19 lockdown in 2020. e mixed-methods study involved a questionnaire survey of 100 Zimbabwean
nationals that was complemented by in-depth interviews with 10 participants selected from the interviewed group. e study
ndings reveal that the national COVID-19 pandemic lockdown disrupted informal food-remitting channels and, at the same
time, helped to solidify the digital and mobile food transfers across national borders that have emerged in SSA in recent years.
Keywords: Food remittances, mobile transfers, digital remittances, food security, COVID-19, Zimbabwean migrants
Resumen
Las transferencias móviles se han convertido en un rasgo denitorio de la transmisión transfronteriza de remesas en el África sub-
sahariana (ASS). Sin embargo, los estudios recientes sobre las transferencias móviles se han centrado principalmente en las remesas
en efectivo y es necesario prestar más atención a las transferencias móviles de alimentos. Este artículo aborda esta laguna en la in-
vestigación sobre las transferencias móviles de alimentos examinando las remesas transfronterizas de alimentos y las transferencias
móviles de los emigrantes zimbabuenses que residen en Ciudad del Cabo (Sudáfrica) a sus familias y amigos en su país. En este
trabajo, tratamos de entender los factores que inuyen en la aceptación de las remesas digitales de alimentos por parte de los em-
igrantes zimbabuenses que han vivido en Sudáfrica durante al menos tres años. El artículo se basa en un estudio de investigación
mixto realizado en Ciudad del Cabo durante el cierre nacional de COVID-19 en 2020. El estudio de métodos mixtos incluyó una
encuesta por cuestionario a 100 ciudadanos de Zimbabue que se complementó con entrevistas en profundidad a 10 participantes
seleccionados del grupo entrevistado. Las conclusiones del estudio revelan que el bloqueo nacional por la pandemia COVID-19
interrumpió los canales informales de transmisión de alimentos y, al mismo tiempo, contribuyó a consolidar las transferencias
digitales y móviles de alimentos a través de las fronteras nacionales que han surgido en el ASS en los últimos años.
Palabras Clave: Remesas alimentarias, transferencias mobiles, remesas digitales, seguridad alimentaria, COVID-19, mi-
grantes Zimbauenses
1 Institute for Social Development, Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences, University of the Western Cape.
seansithole88@gmail.com
2 Department of Geography, Environmental Studies and Tourism, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, University of the
Western Cape. dtevera@uwc.ac.za
3 Institute for Social Development, Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences, University of the Western Cape.
cmartens@usfq.edu.ec
Eutopía, Revista de Desarrollo Económico Territorial No. 22 - diciembre 2022
pp.10-32 • ISSN: 1390 5708 • E-ISSN: 2602 8239
TEMA CENTRAL
DOI 10.17141/eutopia.23.2022.5799
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1. Introduction
Migration studies in global South countries have shown the potential of remittances to im-
prove the food security situations of impoverished rural, and urban households through cash
and goods sent back home by migrants. Scholarship on the contribution of transborder food
remittances in the global South to household food security has expanded in recent years
(Apatinga, Asiedu and Obeng 2022; Crush and Caesar 2018; 2020). In Sub-Saharan Africa
(SSA), remittances are an essential aspect of national economies and origin households in
particular (World Bank 2021; Smith and Floro 2021; Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe 2021;
Crush and Caesar 2018; Tevera and Chikanda 2009b). Studies carried out in Zimbabwe, and
Eswatini (formerly Swaziland) have revealed that trans-border and in-country urban-rural
food remittances provide social protection for household food security and nutrition (Te-
vera and Chikanda 2009b; Tevera and Simelane 2014). However, while a broad narrative
is emerging on South-South food remittance ows, there are considerable knowledge gaps
in our understanding of the emerging dynamics due to the eects of global shocks, such as
COVID-19 national lockdowns and the fast-growing cross-border mobile money services.
Research on cash-remitting Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa, Botswana, and Es-
watini (formerly Swaziland), reveals the intersecting constraints presented by the unbanked
nature of many migrants and the high costs involved when using formal remitting channels
(Nzima 2017; Tevera and Chikanda 2009a). Since the COVID-19 lockdowns, there has
been a shift in cross-border cash remittances from money transmission services to low-priced
wireless transactions. Pre-COVID-19 lockdowns, most of the cash remittance recipients
across SSA got their money mainly through cash pick-ups at banks or agents of remittance
service providers. As recent international studies show, the transition to mobile money and
digital remittances has made cross-border cash remittances inexpensive and quicker than tra-
ditional money and bank transmissions (McAulie and Triandafyllidou 2021; World Bank
2021). e literature shows that factors such as comparatively low transaction costs, trans-
parent charges, and reachability have driven the ‘ntech revolution’ in the global South that
has contributed to the rapid growth of mobile/digital cash transfers and remittances in recent
years (Ilinitchi 2020; Kitimbo 2021; Rotondi and Billari 2022; Cirolia, Hall and Nyamnjoh
2022; Gukurume and Mahiya 2020; Merritt 2011; Tyce 2020).
For example, in SSA, low transaction costs and the elimination of proof of residential
address and immigration papers when sending cash and goods back home have removed
transfer barriers that have changed the remitting landscape in East and Southern Africa
through the rapid expansion of transborder cash and mobile food transfers. Kenyas mobile
money service, popularly known as the M-Pesa system, has been presented in the literature
as a model mobile money service when international lending agencies are making a case in
favour of creating ideal conditions for innovative remitting channels. Similarly, EcoCash,
which Econet Wireless Private Limited launched pre-COVID-19, has emerged to domi-
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nate mobile money services in Zimbabwe. e company also launched EcoCash Diaspora,
which is a cross-border mobile money service that is commonly used by South Africa-based
Zimbabweans to remit cash back home.
Cross-border food remittances have received inadequate attention (Apatinga, Asiedu
and Obeng 2022; Crush and Caesar 2016), and yet they contribute directly to household
food security, especially in the poverty-stricken informal settlements and in rural villages
where peasant cultivation has been ravaged by drought or oods. Recent studies by Sithole
and Dinbabo (2016) and Smith and Floro (2021) have highlighted the vital contribution
of remittances to household food security in several countries in the global South. Studies
of remittances to Zimbabwe have revealed that because of the country’s economic challeng-
es, which are reected by shrinking industrial production and high rates of unemployment
in the formal sector, cash remittances that are sent back home to family members of na-
tionals in the diaspora are mainly used to meet basic needs such as food, clothing, shelter,
health, and education (Crush and Tevera 2010; Sithole and Dinbabo 2016; Tevera and
Chikanda 2009a; 2009b; Ramachandran et al. 2022).
is article contributes to the academic debate on migration and cross-border food
remittances by examining remitting food channels and the role of mobile transfers in SSA
using the experiences of Zimbabwean migrants in Cape Town as a case in point. is
article is based on a mixed-methods study that was conducted in 2020 (the rst year of
the COVID-19 pandemic) and involved one hundred (100) questionnaire interviews and
ten (10) in-depth interviews on the food-remitting experiences of Zimbabwean migrants
residing in Cape Town, a major city in South Africa. More specically, the article seeks to
answer the question, how have Zimbabwean migrants in Cape Town been sending food
remittances back home during the national mobility-restricting COVID-19 lockdowns
enforced by the central governments in both countries? In this article, our use of the term
mobile remittances’ is based on the conceptualisation of the term by Siegel and Fransen
(2013) in their paper on new technologies in remittance sending in Africa.
2. Mobile remittances and food remittances
Mobile money has transformed remitting patterns through expanded nancial inclusion
(especially of the previously unbanked population groups), including migrants who pre-
viously did not have access to safe money transfer facilities. Studies have highlighted how
mobile banking sources have facilitated the expansion of mobile remittance and have be-
come a vital instrument in oering nancial reach to the often unbanked groups (Siegel
and Fransen 2013). In SSA, the mobile money sector has expanded considerably during
the past decade, and this has facilitated the growth of trans-border remittance transfers
and the nancial inclusion of unbanked groups, including migrants and informal sector
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entrepreneurs. Migrants across Africa increasingly use remittance service providers (RSPs)
to send cash or goods back home to their countries of origin. is is because they can de-
liver inexpensive, easy, and speedy money transmissions (Siegel and Fransen 2013; Tembo
and Okoro 2021).
e COVID-19 pandemic and the national lockdowns have disrupted traditional re-
mittance channels due to the curtailment of everyday human mobility. At the height of the
COVID-19 pandemic, remittances through mobile money facilitated ows and experienced
limited to no adverse eects; therefore, they were resilient compared to other channels (An-
dersson-Manjang and Naghavi 2021). International remittances transferred and collected
via mobile money grew by $5 billion or 65% in 2020, reaching an annual amount of $12.7
billion in international transfers (Andersson-Manjang and Naghavi 2021). e volume of the
mobile remittance transmissions observed in 2020 is a tiny fraction of the total remittances
but has considerable potential to expand (World Bank 2021). At the policy level, govern-
ments have facilitated the expansion of mobile and digital remittance services by relaxing the
terms and conditions for completing transactions (World Bank 2018).
ere is evidence in Southern Africa that mobile and technological innovation facili-
tates the transfer of goods, such as food items (Muhamba 2020; Santosdiaz 2020; Sithole
2022; Washinyira 2020), through ntech and service providers such as Mukuru Groceries,
Malaicha, Tinokunda, Ahoyi Africa, Shumba Africa and Senditoo. In Zimbabwe, mobile
money transmission services such as EcoCash Diaspora facilitate the transfer of remittances
straight to the EcoCash mobile phone wallet of beneciaries (Nyanhete 2017; Mutsonziwa
and Maposa 2016). Mobile transfers have made it possible for people residing in remote
rural locations to receive cash and food remittances if they have access to mobile phones.
Elsewhere in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East during the rst wave of the COVID-19
pandemic, there was a rapid expansion of digital and online food purchasing and direct
delivery in local settings due to mobility restrictions and lockdowns (Ben Hassen, El Bilali
and Allahyari 2020; Liang, Zhong and Crush 2022; Njomane and Telukdarie 2022).
Addressing the digital and mobile food transfer gap can be crucial in understanding
how mobile channels have the potential to provide accessible, inexpensive, and conve-
nient methods of transmitting cross-border food remittances. Apatinga, Asiedu and Obeng
(2022) argue that while cash transmissions represent a large volume of remittances, in-kind
remittances are progressively highlighted as essential and consequently compel policy and
research consideration. In-kind remittances, such as food items, have gained limited focus
mainly because the transmissions are undertaken in informal channels (Crush and Cae-
sar 2018; 2020). Studies on international remittances within Africa characterise them as
the transfer of goods and money; nevertheless, the research generally excludes the eects,
signicance, and quantity of cross-border in-kind transfers like food (Crush and Caesar
2016). Noteworthy, in-kind remittances such as food are generally transferred through in-
formal channels because of the relatively low remitting cost (Tevera and Chikanda 2009a).
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However, Crush, omaz and Ramachandran (2021) have shown that COVID-19 and
various containment measures, such as travel restrictions, disrupted the well-established
informal channels of remitting cross-border goods.
However, with the innovations in mobile and digital technology, there is developmental
potential for formal or semi-formal mobile channels to transmit goods such as food items.
e disruptions of informal channels and South-South migration movements at the height
of the COVID-19 lockdown measures and border closures enhanced the emergence of dig-
ital and mobile channels to send food remittances. Also, the digital and mobile pathways
are expanding because they are accessible to informal traders and irregular migrants who
can use the services to send remittances back home despite not having immigration papers
and bank accounts. erefore, extensive attention to mobile and digital cash remittances
should be directed to in-kind remittances, such as food which can also be transmitted via
mobile and digital channels.
3. Methodology
is research was based on primary data collected in 2020 in Cape Towns southern and
northern suburbs of Claremont, Rondebosch, Wynberg, Kenilworth, and Bellville. A
mixed-methods approach involving ten (10) in-depth interviews and 100 questionnaire
surveys was conducted, and Zimbabwean migrants in Cape Town were interviewed. e
study used the snowballing sampling method to select the migrants who participated in
the questionnaire survey, whereby the rst Zimbabwean migrant polled was asked to rec-
ommend the next food-remitting Zimbabwean migrant to interview. e population of
Zimbabweans in Cape Town is estimated to be at least 55000. e steps followed in quali-
tative data analysis included transcription, codication, cleaning, and analysis based on the
emerging themes. Quantitative data analysis involved inputting the data into a Microsoft
Excel spreadsheet and then transferring it to STATA 13.0, a statistical software. According-
ly, the subsequent phases comprised data labelling, dening, cleaning, and examining. All
ethical protocols were adhered to throughout the data collection process.
4. Results and discussion
4.1 Prole of food remitting migrants
Table 1 presents the demographic prole of the 100 migrants in Cape Town who were inter-
viewed for this study. e prole of the interviewed migrants shows considerable diversity
in terms of gender, age, marital status, occupation and amount of money spent on food
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Table 1: Background and demographic information
Variable Category Percentage
Gender
Male 50%
Female 50%
N = 100
Age
30 years and below 20%
31 - 45 69%
46 + 11%
N = 100
Marital status
Married 45%
Single 42%
Divorced/Widowed 13%
N = 100
Breadwinner
Myself 75%
Husband 15%
Wife 10%
Dependents
None 13%
1-2 41%
3-4 42%
More than 4 4%
N = 100
Education
Primary 6
Secondary 17
University 77
N = 100
Occupation
oce worker 18%
student 22%
waiter 16%
bartender 12%
domestic worker 8%
health professional 6%
teacher 6%
Business man/woman 4%
lecturer 2%
informal trader 6%
N = 100
Source: Field survey (2020)
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remittances. However, the group is relatively homogenous regarding educational attainment
because 77% had university-level qualications. eir occupations ranged from profession-
als, such as oce workers, health professionals, and lecturers, to blue-collar workers, such
as domestic workers and informal traders. is suggests that Zimbabwean migrants in Cape
Town with diverse backgrounds use digital channels to remit food back home.
e qualitative ndings were based on the narratives of ten (four female and six male)
Zimbabwean migrants interviewed in Cape Town. Table 2 provides information on the
respondents’ population group, gender, duration of stay in Cape Town and livelihood
sources. Several had part-time jobs in addition to their full-time jobs and were employed
as oce workers, lecturers, teachers, post-graduate students, bartenders, gardeners and
servers at food outlets.
Table 2: Background and demographic data
Participants
Population
group
Gender Main occupation
Duration
in Cape Town
Participant 1 Black Female Lecturer 10+ years
Participant 2 Black Male Post-graduate student 4+ years
Participant 3 Black Female Oce worker 10+ years
Participant 4 Black Female Oce worker 5+ years
Participant 5 Black Female Post-graduate student 7+ years
Participant 6 Black Male Waiter 3+ years
Participant 7 Black Male Bartender 8+ years
Participant 8 Black Male Gardener 5+ years
Participant 9 Black Male Teacher 6+ years
Participant 10 Black Male Lecturer 11+ years
Source: Field survey 2020
4.2 Migration and food remittance drivers
Zimbabwe has been one of the signicant migrant-sending countries in Southern Africa.
About 25-33% of the population is believed to be residing outside the country, with South
Africa being the main host country. In the current study, the respondents were asked to
explain why they had left Zimbabwe for Cape Town. ey were allowed to give multiple
reasons for emigrating from Zimbabwe to South Africa (hence the percentages in Figure 1)
do not add up to 100. Figure 1 shows that the main reasons for leaving Zimbabwe include
seeking job opportunities (85%), and escaping the economic crisis that Zimbabwe has
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been experiencing since the 1990s. e main outmigration drivers were increasing unem-
ployment, high ination rates, and recurring droughts that have contributed to food price
hikes) (72%); food insecurity or food shortages (64%); the need for foreign employment
in order to send remittances back home (52%); educational or school purposes (47%);
and escaping political violence (30%). ese ndings are consistent with earlier studies
that have been conducted elsewhere in SSA that show that social, economic, or political
factors continue to be the drivers of international migration in Africa (Crush, Chikanda
and Tawodzera 2015; Crush and Tevera 2010; Dinbabo and Carciotto 2015; Mazwi 2021;
Tevera 2020).
Figure 1: Drivers of migration
Source: Field survey 2020
Table 3 highlights the factors that motivated the Zimbabwean migrants to remit food
back home to Zimbabwe. e results show that 43 per cent of the participants remit food
because of requests from household or family members back home, and 33 per cent do
so because the food remittances were essential items that the recipients back home needed
but could not aord. Only 24 per cent did so because their families were food insecure
because they could not aord the food or because the food was unavailable back home in
Zimbabwe. e ndings reveal that food remittances are a response to a lack of access to
food due to the familys lack of resources to buy the required groceries and to general food
shortages in Zimbabwe. Since the fast-track land reform programme carried out by the
government at the beginning of the millennium, Zimbabwe has been a net food-importing
country that mainly relies on neighbouring countries for grain imports. Ramachandran
and Crush (2021) posit that food remittances mitigate economic shocks and aord con-
Find employment in SA
85%
Economic and social crisis in Zim
72%
Food shortages or food insecurity in Zim
64%
To find the food needs of the ...
56%
To send remittances back to Zim
52%
School or educational reasons
47%
Political reasons
30%
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sumption-smoothing purposes for deprived households. In this context, food remittances
have a developmental potential for food insecurity reduction and improved access to food
for poor communities.
Table 3: Motivations to remit food to Zimbabwe
Variable Category Frequency Percentage
Motivation to remit
food
Response for food requests from family/
household members back home
43 43%
To provide essential food items that the
recipients back home need but cannot aord
33 33%
Food shortages/household food insecurity back
home
24 24%
N = 100
Source: Field survey 2020
e respondents’ experiences illustrated that the drivers of food remittances are high food
prices, requests from relatives and family members, and the entrenched socio-econom-
ic challenges in Zimbabwe. As explained by a Zimbabwean migrant (Participant #5), a
married female aged 30 with one child. She was pursuing her post-graduate studies at the
time of the interviews and had lived in Cape Town for over seven years. She worked part-
time as a student assistant at the university where she was studying. During the in-depth
interviews, she expressed concerns about getting full-time employment and immigration
documents (work permits), especially given the context of increasing anti-immigrant sen-
timents in South Africa. Failure to secure full-time would aect her capacity to send food
remittances back home, and this worried her constantly. Regarding reasons for sending
food remittances, she noted that ‘…sometimes family members back home phone me to
say, we have run out of basic food’.
Another respondent (Participant #1), a single female lecturer aged 31, had lived in
Cape Town for more than ten years and had managed to get full-time employment eight
years after arrival. She migrated to South Africa for educational reasons and later got a job
at the same institution where she obtained her undergraduate and post-graduate degrees.
During the in-depth interviews, she noted that she had a special skills work permit but was
struggling to get a permanent residence permit due to delays in the outcome of her applica-
tion at the Department of Home Aairs. She regularly sends food and cash remittances to
support her family members in Zimbabwe. She said, ‘…my reasons for sending back food
are mainly based on the requests that my family makes’. Clearly, in this case, participant #1
provided social protection to her family, which was food insecure and dependent on her.
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is research revealed that the main reasons for remitting food are varied, including
requests from the recipients who are household or family members, high food prices, so-
cio-economic crisis back in the country of origin, food insecurity or food shortages and
because the recipients may require the food items. e research corroborates the assertions
by Crush and Tevera (2010), Sithole and Dinbabo (2016), Tevera and Chikanda (2009a;
2009b), and Ramachandran et al. (2022) that social, economic and political calamities in
Zimbabwe are the drivers that compel families to encourage some of their members to mi-
grate with the goal of sending remittances. In other words, migration is used as a rational
family strategy whose goal is to provide social protection in situations where ocial social
protection programmes are non-existent.
4.3 Commonly remitted food items and frequency of transfers
e main food items remitted regularly are diverse, and they include grain-based foods,
staple foods in Zimbabwe, and perishable and non-perishable foods. Table 4 provides a list
of the main food items sent and the number of respondents who normally send the food
types. Worth noting is that the list includes both perishable and non-perishable food items;
food items experiencing regular supply shortages (e.g. bread). e most common items in-
clude cooking oil (68%), rice (62%); sugar (57%), mealie meal (50%), beans (46%), juice
or drink (45%), peanut butter (45%); meat (41%); and our (40%).
Notably, perishable food item transfers were facilitated by the usage of mobile food
remitting channels like Malaicha and Mukuru Groceries. e transfer of perishable foods
is facilitated by the conditions of the mobile services, which enable beneciaries of the
transmitted food to collect their food items in Zimbabwe as soon as the transactions in
Cape Town are completed.
When asked how regularly they send food remittances to Zimbabwe, most participants
stated that they did not have pre-determined times to send food remittances back home.
Instead, they did so whenever it was possible (59%); while only 14% were able to do so
every month, an additional 14% were able to do so only once a year, followed by 9% who
could do it twice a year; and 4% were able to send food back home every three months
(Figure 2).
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Table 4: Remitted food items
Food type Frequency Percentage
Cooking oil 68 68%
Rice 62 62%
Sugar 57 57%
Mealie meal 50 50%
Beans 46 46%
Drinks or juice 45 45%
Peanut butter 45 45%
Meat
41 41%
Flour 40 40%
Salt 39 39%
Jam 38 38%
Milk 31 31%
Kapenta (dried small sh) 29 29%
Soups and spices 28 28%
Tinned tomatoes and onions 27 27%
Nuts 26 26%
Cereals 26 26%
Tinned sh 24 24%
Bread 22 22%
Honey 21 21%
Vegetables 20 20%
Tea 20 20%
Eggs 17 17%
Fruits 15 15%
Margarine 14 14%
Source: Field survey 2020
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Figure 2: Food remitting frequency
Source: Field survey 2020
Notable in the study was an association between the amount used on purchasing food each
time they transmitted food and the average monthly incomes. For example, all the partici-
pants who had monthly earnings of R0 – R4000 transferred foodstus valued at R1000 or
less, with a majority of those who transmitted foodstus valued between R3001 – R4000+
had monthly incomes of R15001 or more (Table 5).
Table 5: Amount spent on purchases of food that is remitted to Zimbabwe
Monthly income Average expenditure on food remittances to Zimbabwe
< R1001 R1001 – R2000 R2001 – R3000 R3001 – R4000 R4001 + Total
R0 – R4000 10 0 0 0 0 10
R4001 – R8000 29 3 1 0 0 33
R8001 – R15000 8 9 5 1 0 23
R15001 – R20000 0 6 3 3 2 14
R20001+ 0 2 6 5 7 20
Total 47 20 15 9 9 100
N = 100
Source: Author’s eld survey 2020
o 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
4%Every 3 months
9%Twicew a year
14%Once a year
14%Once every month
59%Whenever it is possible
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4.4 Mobile and informal food remittance channels
e study ndings indicated that 48 per cent mainly transmit food remittances from the
host country to the home country through mobile channels, 8 per cent personally, 11 per
cent via friends, kin or associates, and 33 per cent via transport carriers (Figure 3). e ex-
periences of the Zimbabwean migrants highlighted that the channels to transfer food items
to Zimbabwe include transport carriers, family or associates and mobile passages.
Figure 3: Main food remitting channels
Source: Field survey 2020
To illustrate the signicance of mobile remitting channels, one respondent (Participant
#9), a 42 years old male teacher with four children and married to a South African wom-
an. He had been in South Africa for six years and holds a master’s degree, and previously
worked as a waiter before getting a teaching job in Cape Town. He was working using the
Zimbabwean Exemption Permit Visa. However, after the announcement by the South Af-
rican government that the special permits were to be phased out, he was worried about not
qualifying for other immigration categories and losing his job. He stayed in a low-income
area, and his salary was inadequate to support his housewife and children. Regarding the
use of digital and mobile services to transfer food remittances, he stated, ‘I was using buses
to send my family some groceries. But because the pandemic caused the border to close,
I decided to use the Malaicha and Mukuru services on my phone’. e critical part that
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
8%Personally
11%Friens/relatives/associates
33%Transport carriers
48%Mobile channels
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mobile channels perform in transmitting food items from the place of destination to the
area of origin was corroborated by other participants who noted that mobile channels are
dependable, cheap, accessible and rapid.
Channelling food items through informal passages was also vital, especially during the
COVID-19 pandemic and limitations. In periods of crisis, the Zimbabwean migrants
seem to cope by looking for unusual methods of transferring foodstus and goods back
home. For example, (Participant #3), a married female oce worker aged 32 with several
university degrees, cared for family members (including extended family members) in both
South Africa and Zimbabwe. She noted that the household income had reduced because
her husband, who worked in the informal sector, could not engage in any economic activ-
ities because of the COVID-19 pandemic, lockdown and restrictions on informal trading.
In terms of channelling remittances to Zimbabwe, she indicated that
…so the regular forms of transportation I used could not work because the borders were clo-
sed, but because funeral companies were allowed to move around for repatriation purposes,
I also had to resort to using that…
e COVID-19 pandemic presents an increasing challenge to humanitys economic, health
and social welfare (Dinbabo 2020). e COVID-19 pandemic pressed governments to
take measures that negatively impacted local food systems and supply chains (Crush and Si
2020; Paganini et al. 2020). Also, the COVID-19 pandemic aected migration currents;
for example, in 2020, limitations on cross-border movement and border post closings re-
sulted in decreased migration movements into South Africa (Crush, omaz and Ramach-
andran 2021). Crush and Si (2020) assert that the COVID-19 control measures abruptly
aected food security in several Southern cities. e eects include the interruption of vital
economic ventures, such as prohibitions on street vending and informal food markets, the
distraction of food supply chains, restrictions on mobility, job losses, and lessening house-
hold income (Crush and Si 2020).
Noteworthy, mobile channels were valuable in sending food remittances to Zimba-
bwe. However, mobile channels were also mainly used by professionals who had access to
legitimate immigration documentation, such as oce workers, health professionals and
students. Although undocumented migrants and informal traders can access digital and
mobile services to transfer low-cost food remittances, they are still hesitant to use them.
is is due to the fear that their personal details (phone number, ID documents and pho-
tograph) could be used by immigration and law enforcement ocials to track, arrest, per-
secute or deport them. e Zimbabwean migrants utilised various channels to transfer
food items to their relatives, family, or household members in Zimbabwe. Previous studies
(Maphosa 2007; Nyamunda 2014; Nzima 2017; Tevera and Chikanda 2009a) have also
indicated that Zimbabwean migrants use various channels to transfer remittances, this
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includes formal and informal passages. us, the ndings of this research illustrate that the
paths to transmit food included informal tracks like transport carriers, associates, relatives,
friends and personally.
Social networking and social capital on social media sites like Facebook, WhatsApp
and Twitter amongst the Zimbabwean migrants and their associates, friends, family, and
household members were crucial in channelling food remittances. Social media transforms
migration networks through social networking and as a valuable resource for helpful infor-
mation (Dekker and Engbersen 2014; Dekker et al. 2018). Accordingly, 69 respondents
were in social media groups comprising family or household members (53.62%), friends
(24.64%) and fellow Zimbabweans (21.74%). Content and communication in social me-
dia groups assisted in deciding the channels to transmit food (46.38%), food types to
transfer (37.68%), and the period to channel the food (15.94%). e study highlighted
the signicance of social media communication and content in accessing the cheapest
channels (29%), accessible channels (27%), quickest channels (25%) and reliable channels
(19%). Also, 74% of the 100 respondents in the study revealed that social media interac-
tion via texts or voice mediums impacted the selection of the food-remitting channels they
utilised the most. Additionally, 58% of the participants noted that social media posts and
news aected their decisions to choose the food-remitting channels they used the most.
e respondents’ narratives highlighted that interaction and content on social media
sites like Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp facilitated the ow of helpful information on
the reachable, dependable, and inexpensive channels to transfer food. For instance, (Par-
ticipant #3) remarked that ‘…on the Zimbabweans in Cape Town, Facebook page, and
when we were under level ve lockdown. Many people were also asking on social media
how people with urgent requests from Zimbabwe are sending through the things.’ e
participant also said, ‘…somebody wrote that they were working with a funeral company
that repatriates bodies of deceased Zimbabweans. And thats how they were getting their
goods through….’ e utilisation of funeral businesses to transmit in-kind remittances to
Zimbabwe was undertaken covertly and illicitly to evade exposure from law enforcement
personnel.
Additionally, the signicance of social networking in social media groups and infor-
mation sharing between migrants and their associates or family members were revealed in
the research as remarked by a respondent (Participant #3), a female oce worker aged 32
added:
We have several family groups with dierent members in almost all the groups I’m part of.
I mean, we have a group for our nuclear family, we have groups who are extended families
from the mothers side from the father’s side, we have church groups that I’m part of, I’m
in groups with friends. And in all those groups, we discussed the escalating food prices in
Zimbabwe at some point.
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e participant also stated the importance of the conversations in social media groups
between the migrants and their associates or family members that are useful in oering
benecial information related to the transfer of remittances:
... as those conversations go, we talk about how we, as migrants in South Africa, can send
things home. We also get the opportunity to ask how other people are also sending home,
so in all of those groups, I cant think of any group where at some point, we have not had a
discussion on sending things to Zimbabwe and just sharing ideas and suggestions on which
way or method is best to use ... .
Smartphones, digital platforms and mobile gadgets can facilitate virtual interaction or
sharing of information on social media platforms. erefore, the eectiveness of social
networking on social media in the backdrop of constrained face-to-face communications
initiated by the COVID-19 pandemic and movement constraints was apparent in the
study, as noted by a female lecturer aged 31 (Participant #1):
e biggest challenge with food remitting based on COVID-19 is human-to-human con-
tact. So, social media assists in communicating specic information because, as I said before,
now you know weve entered into a period where businesses can operate within the restric-
tions of Covid or the recognition of Covid restrictions, so social distancing masking etc.
e research also uncovered that social media is resourceful in channelling food remittanc-
es by enabling consumers to make transactions on social media platforms like WhatsApp.
Social media enables individuals to communicate via WhatsApp, even, you know, engaging
and making purchases. You can nd links on social media to shops you might want to buy
from. And also you can share all of this information via WhatsApp and social media.
4.5 Food remitting challenges
ere are several reasons why the frequency of sending food back home is lower than ex-
pected. First, there is a relatively high cost of food transfers by bus or the malaichas because
of the long distances between Cape Town and the various food destinations in Zimbabwe.
Second, there is a risk involved when food is sent by road, as it can be conscated at the
Beitbridge border by the ZIMRA ocials if the quantity is high or the importation proto-
cols are not observed. ird, remitting food using malaichas or friends is risky because it is
based on trust, and if something goes wrong, the sender is not compensated. is explains
why some Zimbabwean migrants in Cape Town have opted to do virtual food transfers.
However, as shown below, several challenges are associated with virtual food transfers.
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e food-remitting Zimbabwean migrants faced various challenges when channelling
food items to their country of origin. e results of the study indicated that the challenges
included delivery delays (22%), destroyed/broken foodstus (11%); missing/lost/stolen
(11%); expensive to remit food (21%); and 35% did not encounter any challenges (Table
6). Also, mobile channels primarily had challenges such as being expensive to remit and
transaction problems.
Table 6: Food remittance channels and challenges
Food remittance
channels
Food remitting challenges experienced by the migrants
Frequent
delivery
delays
e food gets
lost/stolen in
transit
e food gets
damaged/spoilt
in transit
High
remitting
costs
No
challenges
experienced
Total
Buses, Trucks, Taxis,
transport, carriers,
couriers
14 11 7 0 1 33
Mobile 1 0 0 19 28 48
Personally 0 0 0 2 6 8
Friends, relatives, and
associates
7 0 4 0 0 11
Total 22 11 11 21 35 100
N = 100
Source: Field survey 2020
e above challenges were also echoed in the narratives of the Zimbabwean migrants. For
instance, (Participant #10), a male and full-time lecturer aged 59 years old, migrated to
Cape Town with his family in 2008 at the peak of the economic crisis in Zimbabwe. Be-
fore relocating, he was a lecturer at a local University in Zimbabwe, where the low salaries
were inadequate to support himself and his family. His recent employment at a university
in South Africa provided adequate resources for personal, family and remittance transfers
to help relatives back in Zimbabwe. He indicated the problems faced when using mobile
applications to transfer food by saying, ‘Sometimes the system is down, which makes it
dicult to complete a transaction.’ e respondent also highlighted that ‘In some situa-
tions, I buy groceries online, but when my family wants to collect the goods, they are told
that the items are out of stock…to resolve the problem, you get a refund or wait until the
goods are available’.
Also, another respondent, a male post-graduate student aged 27 (Participant #2), had
multiple income streams, such as a full scholarship, lecturing and research jobs at the uni-
versity he was studying. He also transmitted remittances to support his family in Zimba-
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bwe. He commented on mobile channels and their challenges ‘… many stories where the
food doesnt arrive on time, or the order has changed, you know, end up getting what you
dont want or something’. Registering to use semi-formal or formal channels like mobile
passages was also a problem. A respondent in the study stated that registering to use mobile
applications was challenging because of the requirement to show a photograph, proof of
residence and identity documents. In the survey, bartenders, servers, gardeners and workers
in the informal sector who were irregular migrants were hesitant to use digital and mobile
services to send remittances. Because of concern, law enforcement and immigration o-
cials could acquire their identity information and trace, detain, persecute or deport them.
Commenting on the challenge of registering to use mobile channels, Participant #2
stated that ‘the main issue that makes someone not want to, you know, go through that
process is because I’m a bit sceptical of giving out the information because they say send
a photograph of your passport, and then send a sele of yourself’. Additionally, mobile
applications had delays in the approval of registration and problems in the acceptance of
provided documents. is was illustrated by the respondent who added, ‘sometimes you
can take a photograph of yourself and then its not approved, they sent a query back to say
maybe the picture is not the right size, or the lighting is poor, we cant compare the sele
and the passport.’ In this study, informal channels mainly had challenges such as misplaced,
stolen, or lost goods, broken or destroyed food items and delivery delays. Informal channels
to transmit food, such as transport carriers, also had notable challenges, such as impounding
goods by border ocials because of not paying taxes or duties and misplaced goods.
For example, (Participant #3), a female oce worker aged 32, remarked that ‘… be-
cause there is no warranty on your goods. ere was no refund process, so whatever was
given to the wrong person was the money I lost. It could not be recouped in any way, and
the guy was also unable to reimburse me.’ e study ndings concur with earlier studies
by Maphosa (2007), Tevera and Chikanda (2009a), and, more recently, Nzima (2017),
who observed that migrants who used informal remittance channels to remit cash or goods
back home often experienced problems like the unreliability of remittance carriers, delivery
delays, and thefts. e research ndings revealed that the informal and mobile channels
of transferring food remittances were associated with various challenges. Despite these
challenges, many migrants reported that several factors compelled them to continue using
informal remittance channels to send food back home because they do not have bank ac-
counts due to their irregular status. e other constraints relate to access challenges, such
as limited access to the internet and online services.
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5. Conclusion
e use of digital and mobile technology by migrants is increasingly becoming the way of
sending transborder food remittances back home in SSA. is article provides insights into
how digital and mobile technology presents a speedy, reachable, low-priced, and easy-to-
use food-remitting channel. For example, mobile grocery or food remitting channels were
accessible during the COVID-19 pandemic when travel restrictions and border closures
disrupted informal food remitting channels. Social media platforms have been crucial in
facilitating the ow of information, such as accessible and reliable food remitting channels,
types of food items to remit, and the best times to do so. e mobile money facilities are
making it possible for unbanked groups, such as migrants, without regular employment or
immigration papers, to transfer remittances. e article has highlighted how mobile food
transfers have become a convenient and dependable way of remitting food back home. e
potential eects of food remittances on household food security should be of interest to
national policymakers so that they can design policies for harnessing the potential of these
remittances into the development of blended food systems that involve both local and
imported foods. However, since we did not interview the recipients of mobile food trans-
fers in Zimbabwe, it is impossible to determine the impact of these transfers on the food
security circumstances of the receiving households. erefore, there is a need for further
research and policy attention on the food remitting channels and, more importantly, the
impact of food remittances on household food security back in Zimbabwe. Similarly, there
is a need for research on the use of mobile/digital technologies by Zimbabwean migrants
in other neighbouring countries to transmit food remittances and internal food transfers
within Zimbabwe.
Acknowledgements
We want to thank the Zimbabwean migrants in Cape Town whose willingness to share
their experiences made this research possible.
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